Being Javier Milei

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ike many Argentine Presidents, Javier Milei is much more comfortable on foreign soil. Both of his predecessors, Alberto Fernández and Mauricio Macri, enjoyed international travel and foreign dignitaries saluting them, while back home they were being heavily criticised. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner was the exception – she appeared much more comfortable at home, where her political sector built a structure of hegemonic power that lasted more than a decade, while overseas, she picked fights with the United States and its allies. But Milei is by far the most prolific international traveller in the group with nearly 50 trips in almost three years in office. The sheer quantity of trips dilutes the importance of his presence, especially in Washington DC and Madrid, the two places he has visited the most, and visited most recently.

Milei’s recent trip to Madrid showed him in his purest state. He spent a few days in the Spanish capital, where he met with representatives of the political right, insulted journalists and reignited his war of words and social media posts with Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. The President was criticised for his lack of high-level meetings, with the exception of Madrid Mayor Isabel Díaz Ayuso, with whom he managed to get a proper picture and visit. His counterpart in Spain, Vox’s Santiago Abascal, only spoke to Milei on a videocall, given he was on the campaign trail. The leader of the Spanish far-right party has high ambitions ahead of next month’s general election, where he aims to double the party’s representation in Congress to become an indispensable ally of the Partido Popular (PP), led by Alberto Núñez Feijoo (who chose not to meet with Milei). There’s a question about whether the Argentine right-winger has a positive or a negative effect on the opposition to Sánchez and the PSOE, which is looking to retain power. Undoubtedly, Milei is a perfect antagonist for Sánchez, who took the opportunity to confront him on social media.

There was a certain uproar over Milei’s behaviour in Spain. He called Sánchez a “dictator” and a “crook” and told a journalist her question was part of a worldview of “people with a short mind and political motivations.” The Spanish Foreign Ministry put out a statement in response that read: “It is unworthy that a person who holds the highest office of a sister nation visits our country with the only objective of instigating a climate of polarisation and violence.”

That was Milei’s main purpose. Much like when he travelled to Brazil ahead of our neighbour’s presidential election, the President is out there doing politics on behalf of the global far-right movement that has taken the world by storm. With his chainsaw, Milei has become one of the top world leaders of the new right aesthetic and progressively they’ve seen the “blue tide” flip nearly every country in South America. Brazil’s run-off is this weekend and both Luiz Inacio Lula Da Silva and Flávio Bolsonaro have put Milei at the centre of their campaigns. He was a main protagonist, for example, in the heated televised debate between the two held last week and had already made his mark by spitting out online insults at Lula and Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes. His figure will undoubtedly be brought up time and again in Spain.

There’s a certain magnetism that surrounds Milei. He is a rockstar, convinced of the anti-woke message that he’s preaching. He’s at his best when he is insulting opposition leaders and journalists, ranting about the perils of socialism and looking every bit like a madman. Milei’s eccentricities add to the character and make for great social media clips. It attracts attention, but also has proven to be electorally powerful – equally revolting to those who don’t like him. It serves political strategy in times of deep polarisation. During last year’s campaign for the midterms, Milei’s La Libertad Avanza coalition was trailing in polls and had suffered a tough defeat in Buenos Aires Province local elections. The opposition was eyeing a victory. Then Milei took the stage at Movistar Arena stadium and put on a rock show that from the outside looked pathetic and dishevelled. He was criticised by the mainstream media and the opposition, which pinpointed his forms and foul language. But instead of losing votes, it rallied his core and helped him regain momentum. That, together with a multi-billion-dollar bailout from US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, helped him win the 2025 national midterm elections and substantiate his legislative muscle.

Today, many analysts are envisioning that Milei will lose in next year’s presidential election. They point to a stagnant economy, where the gains are concentrated in extractivist sectors that don’t trickle down. Opinion polls show a marked decline in the President’s public image while expectations for the future have been dampened. Milei, together with Economy Minister Luis ‘Toto’ Caputo, have already made clear that they won’t divert a centimetre away from the current economic plan. Assuming that the economic situation will remain roughly the same, with inflation inching down very slowly and consumption stuck in deeply recessive territory, it is difficult at first glance to envision how Milei will revert the negative momentum. Yet, as star political strategist Jaime Durán Barba consistently reminds us, a lot of today’s voters decide what to do with their ballot at the last minute, making choices that are more often based on emotion than reason. Under that scenario, the genuine and half-crazy Milei could very well be an excellent candidate, even if the economy remains stalled.

Polarisation adds another vector. Milei’s political base is increasingly looking like the traditional anti-Peronist and anti-Kirchnerite group that supported Mauricio Macri and his Juntos por el Cambio coalition. Many of those who turned to him in a context of disenfranchisement, with a high percentage of younger males of lower economic classes, seem to be tuning out. They are replaced by older, richer sectors of society who cannot tolerate a return to Peronism, especially if it smells of Kirchnerism. That, of course, is the kryptonite that Buenos Aires Province Governor Axel Kicillof must deal with. Not only did he have a central role during Cristina’s government as economy minister, but he’s also stuck in the middle of the political dispute with Máximo Kirchner and Sergio Massa. Meanwhile, Cristina is constantly waving the flag of her potential candidacy, despite being barred by the Judiciary from running.

That same anti-left sentiment is fuelling part of the vote in Brazil and Spain. Which is why Milei’s presence, disruptive and dirty in some ways, adds value to the far right, even if it springs the left into action. Milei is an entertainer, and for as long as he can keep the spotlight on himself, he’s winning.